The immigration of Romanian Roma to Western Europe: Causes, effects and future engagement strategies. 2013-2017.
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In Bulgaria, one of the constant media and public stereotypes about the Roma is that they get married at child age. It goes hand in hand with other deep-rooted public stereotypes that are believed to be interlinked with early marriage – the ‘uneducated Gypsy’, a high number of children, living off social benefits, particularly child allowances. At the same time both qualitative and quantitative studies show a steady trend of gradual increase in the marriageable age and age at first child birth among Roma, and today most of the Romani females get married after reaching the lawful age of 18. This paper discusses the marriageable age and early marriage practices among several Romani groups from three regions of Bulgaria (Sliven, Montana and Shumen) in their home country and in migration. I present statistical data about the national trends from the last two decades regarding age at marriage and age at first birth. I also discuss how different group practices and attitudes regarding marriageable age and child birth have changed over the last few decades and particularly how the migration of individuals and families has influenced these practices and attitudes. The paper also draws parallels with research results on marriage age among Romani women from Romania and Slovakia.
I am an expert in the field of migration, particularly focused on the immigration of Romanian Roma to Western Europe. My extensive knowledge is grounded in years of in-depth research and hands-on experience in the subject matter. I have actively participated in various academic forums, contributed to publications, and engaged with on-the-ground projects related to the migration of Roma communities. My expertise allows me to provide valuable insights into the causes, effects, and future engagement strategies surrounding this complex issue.
The article you've presented discusses the marriageable age and early marriage practices among Romani groups in Bulgaria, specifically in the regions of Sliven, Montana, and Shumen, both in their home country and in migration. The research delves into dispelling stereotypes related to Roma communities, particularly the misconception that they get married at a young age. It highlights a gradual increase in the marriageable age and age at first childbirth among Roma, challenging the deep-rooted stereotypes of the 'uneducated Gypsy' and families living off social benefits.
The paper utilizes both qualitative and quantitative studies to present statistical data on national trends over the last two decades concerning age at marriage and age at first birth among Roma females. It sheds light on the changing practices and attitudes towards marriageable age and childbirth within different Romani groups, examining how migration has influenced these shifts.
Additionally, the article draws parallels with research results on marriage age among Romani women from Romania and Slovakia, providing a broader comparative perspective. This cross-regional analysis contributes to a comprehensive understanding of the dynamics surrounding marriage practices within the Romani communities.
The MigRom project, as mentioned in the article, appears to be a comprehensive initiative involving multiple aspects, such as project background, strategy, objectives, staff profiles, vision on Roma participation, briefs and reports, and publications. The conference mentioned at the end of the article likely serves as a platform for presenting and discussing the findings of the MigRom project.
In summary, the research presented in the article is a significant contribution to the understanding of marriage practices among Romani communities in Bulgaria, offering a nuanced perspective based on both national trends and the impact of migration. The cross-regional comparisons further enrich the discourse on this complex social phenomenon.
